Justice in Time

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Facing the Past Peter Malcontent. Publication date: July 29, July 29, How do societies at the national and international level try to overcome historical injustices?

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What remedies did they develop to do justice to victims of large scale atrocities? And even more important: what have we learned from the implementation of these instruments? Publication date: March 21, March 21, In a political climate that holds limited promise for addressing the issue of child recruitment, Child Soldiers and Transitional Justice: Protecting the Rights of Children Involved in Armed Conflicts challenges the trend towards a narrow focus on recruitment and use of the child, and seeks to contribute to more effective prevention and responses that offer the child a chance of recovery, reconciliation and reintegration.

Publication date: January 9, January 9, States that are in transition after a dictatorship or a violent conflict face formidable challenges concerning accountability for human rights violations. This edited collection considers criminal justice as a method of addressing state violence committed by non-democratic regimes. Its main objectives concern a fresh, contemporary, and critical analysis of transitional criminal justice as a concept and its related measures, beginning with the Elizabeth Bird , Fraser M.

Publication date: December 18, December 18, Based on case studies spanning time and geography from the Spanish to the Nigerian civil wars, to government repression in Argentina and genocidal policies in Guatemala and Rwanda and, finally, to forced population removal in Australia and Israel, this collection represents a focused attempt to come to grips with some of the strategies used to publicly engage with traumatic memory work.

Publication date: February 28, February 28, Over the past decades, the practise of and research on transitional justice have expanded to preserving memory in the form of memorials.

Yet what are the general roles of memorials in transitions to justice? Who uses or opposes memorials, and to which ends? How — and what — do memorials communicate both explicitly and implicitly to the public? What is their architectural language?

Publication date: February 27, February 27, What lessons can we learn from history, and more importantly: how? Efficient transitional justice policy evaluation requires, inter alia, an historical dimension. Nevertheless, history as a profession remains somewhat absent in the multi-disciplinary field of transitional justice. The idea that we should learn lessons from history continues to create unease among most professional historians. This volume is a major contribution in the search f Publication date: January 31, January 31, The range of topics covered is expansive, in keeping with a broader than usual definition of transitional justice which, it is argued, is more appropriate for states faced Tamarit Sumalla.

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Publication date: May 30, May 30, The Spanish transition from the Franco regime to democracy has not been a very popular subject amongst researchers examining transitional justice at the international level. This book analyses, above all, the laws, policies and judicial decisions adopted in Spain that were related to the construction of the past and could therefore be understood as measures of transitional justice.

Publication date: May 2, Devolved administrations have definitions of poverty but there is currently no formal UK-wide measure of poverty, which makes it difficult to hold the government to account in Westminster, produce effective policies or improve the lives of those people struggling to get by. The Social Metrics Commission proposals go beyond previous and existing definitions of poverty that are rooted in relatively simple measures of relative income to consider core living costs — costs that cannot be avoided but limit the amount of money people have available to spend.

These costs include childcare and mortgage or rent payments, as well as issues such as the extra costs that come from disability.

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A two-tier legal system Highly relevant, though not discussed in the launch of this new metric, are the costs of obtaining access to justice for the most disadvantaged in society who are more likely to face certain types of disputes in areas such as immigration, labour and welfare benefits law, and less likely to be able to fund their own legal advice. Their research showed that, if left unaddressed, legal problems could create the type of financial shock that pushes a vulnerable person under the poverty line as well as making it harder for those in poverty to escape it.

For example, in family law, the failure to enforce child support arrangements can preserve and worsen poverty in female-headed households. It has been shown that the changes to civil legal aid adversely impact the most precarious in society with families in poverty being prevented from obtaining access to justice.

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The report looked at whether those required to contribute to legal costs in the civil justice system can afford to do so. It suggested that the means testing of legal aid, using a disposable income limit that considers income and assets, is set at a level that requires many people on low incomes to make contributions to legal costs that they cannot afford. As such, the family that might have relied on legal aid to have fight an eviction are being effectively denied access to justice because they simply cannot afford the legal bills required.

It also found that, even those below the disposable income limit, who are ostensibly eligible for legal aid generally still need to contribute to legal costs — unless their income is extremely low. These people often still cannot afford to gain access to justice in practice without resorting to extremes such as selling their house to pay for their legal bills.

The civil legal aid financial eligibility test can act to debar people below the poverty line from getting legal advice or obtaining representation.

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What would we expect it to achieve? For more than two decades, the field of transitional justice has sought to answer such questions. Transitional justice is generally understood as a package of measures including criminal prosecutions, truth commissions, reparations for victims and reform of abusive institutions.

But the circumstances in which these measures might succeed have little to do with the countries mentioned above. We need to re-think expectations about justice in conflicts. Those involved in peace processes should ensure that justice provides a tangible benefit to victims, and establishes the basis for a meaningful notion of reconciliation.

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The objective should not be the transformation of society over coming decades, but stabilization and liberation from conflict in the short and medium term. Transitional justice as understood today emerged in the s and s with trail-blazing examples in Argentina, Chile and South Africa. By the new millennium two things had happened. Traditional justice had promised a measure of justice while not risking stability — hence the absence of criminal prosecutions in Chile and South Africa. States who joined the ICC were in effect saying no to any similar deal in the future, as their membership obliged them to prosecute international crimes or the ICC would do so.

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Thus, today transitional justice is understood as a package including prosecutions, not as an alternative to them. Secondly times changed: the very circumstances for which transitional justice was designed were growing ever rarer. The practice of transitional justice emerged to answer the question of what new democratic governments should do about the abuses of previously repressive regimes.

But by the year , the post-Cold War wave of democratic transitions had largely come to an end. The same measures that were designed to address crimes of repressive regimes in countries with relatively strong institutions, were transferred to very different circumstances where almost none of the same characteristics were present. For example, the Sun City Agreement of to end the conflict in the DRC proposed transitional justice measures similar to the South African package, with little appreciation for the differences between the two countries.

More recently the failed Addis Ababa agreement to end the conflict in South Sudan, proposed the whole transitional justice toolkit with little attempt to ask beforehand what could reasonably be achieved.

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